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Just cause for war
Editorial from the Niles Weekly Register, May 30, 1812
Every considerate and unprejudiced man, in every part of the union,
freely admits we have just cause for war with both the great
belligerents, and especially England; whose maritime depredations are
not only far more extensive than those of rival, but who has superadded
thereto the most flagrant violations of the individual, national and
territorial rights of the American people; matters of much higher import
and consequence. But a state of war is desired by no man; though most
men agree it is not "the greatest of evils." The thunderstorm, black and
tremendous, disturbs the calm serenity of the summer evening, and
sometimes rives the mighty oak to tatters - it comes unwished for,
excites general apprehension and frequently does partial damage - but
it purges the atmosphere, gives a new tone, as it were, to listless
nature, and promotes the common good. Thus it may be with war, horrid
and dreadful as it is. The political, as well as the natural atmosphere,
may become turbid and unwholesome.
It is very certain that no good citizen of the United States would
wantonly promote a rupture with Great Britain, or any other country. The
American people will never wage offensive war; but every feeling of the
heart is interested to preserve the rights our fathers won by countless
hardships and innumerable sufferings. Our love of peace is known to the
world; nay, so powerful is the desire to preserve it, that it has been
tauntingly said, even in the hall of congress that "we cannot be kick'd
into war." Every measure that Forbearance, could devise, has been
resorted to - and we have suffered injuries, particularly in the wealth of
our citizens, which no independent nation ever submitted to. Embargo
was tried: through the timidity of the 10th congress, excited by the
insolent clamors of a small, but wicked, portion of the people, aided by
the inefficiency of the laws for enforcing it, it failed of its foreign
operation. Since that time we have virtually submitted, and thereby only
lengthened the chain of encroachment. As has been before observed,
we are driven into a corner, and must surrender at the discretion of a
wicked and unprincipled enemy, or hew our way out of it - the hazard of
life itself is preferable to the certain loss of all that makes it desirable.
"In the unprofitable contest of trying who can do each other the most
harm," as Mr. Jefferson has emphatically described war, this gloomy
satisfaction results - that we can do Great Britain more essential injury
than another Europe could additionally heap upon her; for we have
greater means of annoyance than all that continent possesses in our
seamen and shipping; not calculated, it is true, to "Nelsonize the main,"
but to annihilate her commerce, the very sinews of the existence of her
government. Our coasts may be secured, and regular trade be
destroyed. But many Paul Jones' will ride and whithersoever a keel can
go, just retaliation shall check the enemy's career. They who make the
"Falkland islands" a resting place and pursue the whale to the
Antipodes, will gather nutmegs at Amboyna and find sugar on the
shores of Jamaica. No sea will be "unvexed" with their enterprizes: and
the whole navy of Britain, if applied to no other purpose, will be
incompetent to the protection of her vast possessions and commerce. To
us she is the most vulnerable of all nations - we can successfully attack
her at home and abroad. War will deprive her of an immense stock of
raw materials, on the manufacture and application of which so great a
portion of her population depends for subsistence; and, in despite of
smugglers, the ingress of her manufactures will be denied, for a state of
activity and exertion far different from that at present made use of, will
be arrayed against them. Already are her laboring poor in a state of
general disaffection for the want of bread and lack of employment. The
military power is daily made use of to keep them to subordination. To
what extremes might the desperation of the starving wretches lead
them, if to their present privations were added those which must ensue
from a war with these states?
The conquest of Canada will be of the highest importance to us in
distressing our enemy - in cutting off his supplies of provisions and naval
stores for his West India colonies and home demand. There is no place
from whence he can supply the mighty void that would be occasioned by
the loss of this country, as well in his exports as imports. It would
operate upon him with a double force: it would deprive him of a vast
quantity of indispensable materials (as well as of food) and close an
extensive market for his manufactures. On its retention depends the
prosperity of the West India islands. At war with the United States, and
divested of supplies of lumber and provisions from Canada, their
commerce would be totally ruined; and it is of far more importance to the
British government than all their possessions in the East. Besides it
would nullify his boast, "that he has not lost an inch of territory."
Canada and Nova Scotia, if not fully conquered immediately, may be
rendered useless to him in a few weeks. Without them, and particularly
the latter, he cannot maintain those terrible fleets on our coast that we
are threatened with, or "bridge" our harbors with frigates, admitting he
may have no use for them to defend his own shores; for he will not have
a dockyard, fitting the purposes of his navy, within 3,000 miles of us.
"Our red brethren" will soon be taught to wish they had remembered
the talks of their "father Jefferson," and of all other persons who
advised them to peace. Upper Canada, at least, would be immediately
and completely in our possession. The Pandora boxes at Amherstburg
and Malden would be closed, and all the causes of the present murders
of the savages would cease; for they make neither guns nor
gun-powder, being at this time supplied from the "king's stores" at
these places, and urged to the work of death by "his majesty's agents"
with liberal rewards and more liberal promises. To our mind there are
facts "as strong as proofs from holy writ," to convince us that all our
difficulties with the Indians originated with the British in Canada.
New Orleans, even if it should pass into the hands of the enemy, cannot
be held by him. The estimate alone would annihilate it, pent up and
harassed, and straitened for supplies, as it would be, from the active
indignation of a gallant, hardy and adventurous people. But a million of
persons are immediately interested in the navigation of the Mississippi;
and like the torrent of their own mighty river would descend with a force
irresistable, sweeping every thing before them. Certain parts of Florida
the enemy might take, and perhaps, be permitted to hold; because he
would retain them at a greater injury to himself than to us.
The war will not last long. Every scheme of taxation has already been
resorted to in Great Britain. Every means have been tried to sustain the
credit of her immense paper currency. The notes of the bank of England
are 28 percent below their nominal value. A war with the United States
will add a third to her present expenditures, at least; and, in a like
proportion render her unable to bear them. Her revenue will decrease as
her expenses increase; for she will lose all the export and import duties
she levied on goods sent to or received from the United States, and all
her resources, built upon commerce will be fluctuating and uncertain.
She will be assailed on that element she arrogantly assumes as her
own, and be perplexed in a thousand new forms, by a people as brave
and more enterprising and ingenious than any she can boast of. Her
seamen once landed upon our shores, as prisoners or otherwise, will
not return to her; and her naval officers will rarely feel themselves safe
from mutiny while hovering on our coasts. It is considered lawful in war
to encourage such enterprizes; and her impressed seamen, sure of our
asylum, with "peace, liberty and safety," will retort upon their
oppressors some of the pangs they have suffered. Tens of thousands of
her former subjects, natives of generous and oppressed Erin, will
remember the conflagration of their cottages and the murder of their
friends, and vie with each other to avenge their wrongs: and Britain, to
preserve herself, will be compelled to honest peace.
During the war there will be ample employment for all. Some part of the
labor and capital of the United States, at present devoted to commerce,
will be directed to objects calculated to seal the independence of the
country, in the establishment of a thousand works, needful to the supply
of our wants. Many years must elapse before any shall, of necessity, be
idle because he cannot find enough to do; and the contest itself will
create new sources of emoinment [sic]. Some changes in the habits of
the people on the seaboard (a small part of our population) may take
place; but there will be nothing terrible in them. Our agriculturalists will
have a steady and better market at home: of this we are easily assured
when we reflect, that all our provisions exported have not produced
more than paid for the foreign liquors we consumed. Instead of sending
tobacco, (the most wretched crop of all others ever raised) to the
fluctuating markets of Europe, we will furnish ourselves, and (in a short
time) the whole world, with wool; and apply the extra laborers to its
manufacture - a state of things that will have a powerful tendency to
ameliorate the condition of the unfortunate negro, equally profitable to
his master. The bonds which fasten us to Europe will be broken, and our
trade and future intercourse with her be materially and beneficially
changed.
The political atmosphere being purged, a greater degree of harmony will
exist; and the regenerated spirit of freedom will teach us to love, to
cherish and support our unparalleled system of government, as with the
mind of one man. The hydra party, generated by foreign feelings, will die
in agonies. The "new army" will be chiefly employed in the conquered
countries, or on the frontiers, and the protection of the states, generally,
be confided to the people themselves, who are not "their own worst
enemies." Neither the men beyond "the Potomac," nor on this side of
that river, are the instigators of the war - the causes for it exist in the
conduct of the cabinet of St. James', nourished and cherished by the
false hopes they entertain of the strength of "their party" in the United
States.
Money will not be wanting. The people will freely supply it when there is
need for it. Our country is rich. Our resources are great. Our specie is
abundant, and will greatly increase by opening a direct trade with
Mexico; and so serve ourselves and the patriots of that country by
furnishing them with arms and ammunition and stores, and enable them
to drive out their many-headed tyrant. Numerous hardy volunteers, as
true as ever pulled a trigger, will flock to their standard, from the
western states - and encourage in them an affection for this government
and teach them how freemen should fight.
But the money drawn from the people, either by loans or moderate
taxes, will not moulder away and perish; it will immediately revert to
them, and always be ready, by a perpetual motion, to supply the wants
of the government. In fact, the great probability is, that money will be
much more plenty, as the common saying is, in a state of war than it is
at this time.
The great body of the people in the "eastern states" prefer their own
government to any other - they will be faithful to the constitution. In
Massachusetts, herself, though it was said that on the late election of
her chief magistrate depended the momentous question of peace or
war, it seems, that Mr. Strong is barely elected, if elected at all. Yet,
without reference to this high import given to the choice of the citizens,
and notwithstanding he was as warmly opposed, Mr. Strong was once
before elected governor of Massachusetts. On the present occasion the
exertions of his friends were greater than ever. Nor will a "conscription"
be necessary to supply the regular troops or militia. The ranks of the
former are filling with great rapidity, and the requisition of the latter, it
appears, may be chiefly composed of volunteers. In Lexington where the
first blood was shed in the war for independence, a draft was made to
ascertain who should not serve; and the town immediately voted a
bounty of six dollars with the addition of ten dollars monthly pay to
those called into actual service. "The cradle of the revolution" cannot
become the sink of disaffection - and men will be found that followed
Arnold through the then howling wilderness who, a second time, will set
themselves down before Quebec, in force and irresistable power.
The last paragraph of the article from the Centinel is of itself sufficiently
odious. It is of a piece with the mission of John Henry; it comes from the
same spirit, and would have the same issue. It needs only to be seen to
be hated. It springs from a feeling that must be eradicated; a feeling
that existed in 1776, and threatened the congress of that with dreadful
things: the "snake was scorch'd not kill'd," and the ill-advised return
from Halifax in 1783 gave body and substance, with activity and force, to
it - and trade and commerce, gold and intrigue, have so metamorphosed
some people in the United States, that (as Mr. Pickering said on another
occasion) "it is impossible to distinguish them from English men." This
hydra talks of Washington and calmly proposes a separation of the
states - it preaches morality and order, and speaks of a resistance to
the laws! Such sentiments, however, though loudly expressed, are held
by a very contemptible portion of the people; they will be eradicated by
the war, and their eradication will indemnify the expense of it. The
disaffected are far less numerous than they were in 1776: and they may
depend upon it there will be no second return for such from Nova Scotia
Editorial from the Niles Weekly Register, May 30, 1812
Every considerate and unprejudiced man, in every part of the union,
freely admits we have just cause for war with both the great
belligerents, and especially England; whose maritime depredations are
not only far more extensive than those of rival, but who has superadded
thereto the most flagrant violations of the individual, national and
territorial rights of the American people; matters of much higher import
and consequence. But a state of war is desired by no man; though most
men agree it is not "the greatest of evils." The thunderstorm, black and
tremendous, disturbs the calm serenity of the summer evening, and
sometimes rives the mighty oak to tatters - it comes unwished for,
excites general apprehension and frequently does partial damage - but
it purges the atmosphere, gives a new tone, as it were, to listless
nature, and promotes the common good. Thus it may be with war, horrid
and dreadful as it is. The political, as well as the natural atmosphere,
may become turbid and unwholesome.
It is very certain that no good citizen of the United States would
wantonly promote a rupture with Great Britain, or any other country. The
American people will never wage offensive war; but every feeling of the
heart is interested to preserve the rights our fathers won by countless
hardships and innumerable sufferings. Our love of peace is known to the
world; nay, so powerful is the desire to preserve it, that it has been
tauntingly said, even in the hall of congress that "we cannot be kick'd
into war." Every measure that Forbearance, could devise, has been
resorted to - and we have suffered injuries, particularly in the wealth of
our citizens, which no independent nation ever submitted to. Embargo
was tried: through the timidity of the 10th congress, excited by the
insolent clamors of a small, but wicked, portion of the people, aided by
the inefficiency of the laws for enforcing it, it failed of its foreign
operation. Since that time we have virtually submitted, and thereby only
lengthened the chain of encroachment. As has been before observed,
we are driven into a corner, and must surrender at the discretion of a
wicked and unprincipled enemy, or hew our way out of it - the hazard of
life itself is preferable to the certain loss of all that makes it desirable.
"In the unprofitable contest of trying who can do each other the most
harm," as Mr. Jefferson has emphatically described war, this gloomy
satisfaction results - that we can do Great Britain more essential injury
than another Europe could additionally heap upon her; for we have
greater means of annoyance than all that continent possesses in our
seamen and shipping; not calculated, it is true, to "Nelsonize the main,"
but to annihilate her commerce, the very sinews of the existence of her
government. Our coasts may be secured, and regular trade be
destroyed. But many Paul Jones' will ride and whithersoever a keel can
go, just retaliation shall check the enemy's career. They who make the
"Falkland islands" a resting place and pursue the whale to the
Antipodes, will gather nutmegs at Amboyna and find sugar on the
shores of Jamaica. No sea will be "unvexed" with their enterprizes: and
the whole navy of Britain, if applied to no other purpose, will be
incompetent to the protection of her vast possessions and commerce. To
us she is the most vulnerable of all nations - we can successfully attack
her at home and abroad. War will deprive her of an immense stock of
raw materials, on the manufacture and application of which so great a
portion of her population depends for subsistence; and, in despite of
smugglers, the ingress of her manufactures will be denied, for a state of
activity and exertion far different from that at present made use of, will
be arrayed against them. Already are her laboring poor in a state of
general disaffection for the want of bread and lack of employment. The
military power is daily made use of to keep them to subordination. To
what extremes might the desperation of the starving wretches lead
them, if to their present privations were added those which must ensue
from a war with these states?
The conquest of Canada will be of the highest importance to us in
distressing our enemy - in cutting off his supplies of provisions and naval
stores for his West India colonies and home demand. There is no place
from whence he can supply the mighty void that would be occasioned by
the loss of this country, as well in his exports as imports. It would
operate upon him with a double force: it would deprive him of a vast
quantity of indispensable materials (as well as of food) and close an
extensive market for his manufactures. On its retention depends the
prosperity of the West India islands. At war with the United States, and
divested of supplies of lumber and provisions from Canada, their
commerce would be totally ruined; and it is of far more importance to the
British government than all their possessions in the East. Besides it
would nullify his boast, "that he has not lost an inch of territory."
Canada and Nova Scotia, if not fully conquered immediately, may be
rendered useless to him in a few weeks. Without them, and particularly
the latter, he cannot maintain those terrible fleets on our coast that we
are threatened with, or "bridge" our harbors with frigates, admitting he
may have no use for them to defend his own shores; for he will not have
a dockyard, fitting the purposes of his navy, within 3,000 miles of us.
"Our red brethren" will soon be taught to wish they had remembered
the talks of their "father Jefferson," and of all other persons who
advised them to peace. Upper Canada, at least, would be immediately
and completely in our possession. The Pandora boxes at Amherstburg
and Malden would be closed, and all the causes of the present murders
of the savages would cease; for they make neither guns nor
gun-powder, being at this time supplied from the "king's stores" at
these places, and urged to the work of death by "his majesty's agents"
with liberal rewards and more liberal promises. To our mind there are
facts "as strong as proofs from holy writ," to convince us that all our
difficulties with the Indians originated with the British in Canada.
New Orleans, even if it should pass into the hands of the enemy, cannot
be held by him. The estimate alone would annihilate it, pent up and
harassed, and straitened for supplies, as it would be, from the active
indignation of a gallant, hardy and adventurous people. But a million of
persons are immediately interested in the navigation of the Mississippi;
and like the torrent of their own mighty river would descend with a force
irresistable, sweeping every thing before them. Certain parts of Florida
the enemy might take, and perhaps, be permitted to hold; because he
would retain them at a greater injury to himself than to us.
The war will not last long. Every scheme of taxation has already been
resorted to in Great Britain. Every means have been tried to sustain the
credit of her immense paper currency. The notes of the bank of England
are 28 percent below their nominal value. A war with the United States
will add a third to her present expenditures, at least; and, in a like
proportion render her unable to bear them. Her revenue will decrease as
her expenses increase; for she will lose all the export and import duties
she levied on goods sent to or received from the United States, and all
her resources, built upon commerce will be fluctuating and uncertain.
She will be assailed on that element she arrogantly assumes as her
own, and be perplexed in a thousand new forms, by a people as brave
and more enterprising and ingenious than any she can boast of. Her
seamen once landed upon our shores, as prisoners or otherwise, will
not return to her; and her naval officers will rarely feel themselves safe
from mutiny while hovering on our coasts. It is considered lawful in war
to encourage such enterprizes; and her impressed seamen, sure of our
asylum, with "peace, liberty and safety," will retort upon their
oppressors some of the pangs they have suffered. Tens of thousands of
her former subjects, natives of generous and oppressed Erin, will
remember the conflagration of their cottages and the murder of their
friends, and vie with each other to avenge their wrongs: and Britain, to
preserve herself, will be compelled to honest peace.
During the war there will be ample employment for all. Some part of the
labor and capital of the United States, at present devoted to commerce,
will be directed to objects calculated to seal the independence of the
country, in the establishment of a thousand works, needful to the supply
of our wants. Many years must elapse before any shall, of necessity, be
idle because he cannot find enough to do; and the contest itself will
create new sources of emoinment [sic]. Some changes in the habits of
the people on the seaboard (a small part of our population) may take
place; but there will be nothing terrible in them. Our agriculturalists will
have a steady and better market at home: of this we are easily assured
when we reflect, that all our provisions exported have not produced
more than paid for the foreign liquors we consumed. Instead of sending
tobacco, (the most wretched crop of all others ever raised) to the
fluctuating markets of Europe, we will furnish ourselves, and (in a short
time) the whole world, with wool; and apply the extra laborers to its
manufacture - a state of things that will have a powerful tendency to
ameliorate the condition of the unfortunate negro, equally profitable to
his master. The bonds which fasten us to Europe will be broken, and our
trade and future intercourse with her be materially and beneficially
changed.
The political atmosphere being purged, a greater degree of harmony will
exist; and the regenerated spirit of freedom will teach us to love, to
cherish and support our unparalleled system of government, as with the
mind of one man. The hydra party, generated by foreign feelings, will die
in agonies. The "new army" will be chiefly employed in the conquered
countries, or on the frontiers, and the protection of the states, generally,
be confided to the people themselves, who are not "their own worst
enemies." Neither the men beyond "the Potomac," nor on this side of
that river, are the instigators of the war - the causes for it exist in the
conduct of the cabinet of St. James', nourished and cherished by the
false hopes they entertain of the strength of "their party" in the United
States.
Money will not be wanting. The people will freely supply it when there is
need for it. Our country is rich. Our resources are great. Our specie is
abundant, and will greatly increase by opening a direct trade with
Mexico; and so serve ourselves and the patriots of that country by
furnishing them with arms and ammunition and stores, and enable them
to drive out their many-headed tyrant. Numerous hardy volunteers, as
true as ever pulled a trigger, will flock to their standard, from the
western states - and encourage in them an affection for this government
and teach them how freemen should fight.
But the money drawn from the people, either by loans or moderate
taxes, will not moulder away and perish; it will immediately revert to
them, and always be ready, by a perpetual motion, to supply the wants
of the government. In fact, the great probability is, that money will be
much more plenty, as the common saying is, in a state of war than it is
at this time.
The great body of the people in the "eastern states" prefer their own
government to any other - they will be faithful to the constitution. In
Massachusetts, herself, though it was said that on the late election of
her chief magistrate depended the momentous question of peace or
war, it seems, that Mr. Strong is barely elected, if elected at all. Yet,
without reference to this high import given to the choice of the citizens,
and notwithstanding he was as warmly opposed, Mr. Strong was once
before elected governor of Massachusetts. On the present occasion the
exertions of his friends were greater than ever. Nor will a "conscription"
be necessary to supply the regular troops or militia. The ranks of the
former are filling with great rapidity, and the requisition of the latter, it
appears, may be chiefly composed of volunteers. In Lexington where the
first blood was shed in the war for independence, a draft was made to
ascertain who should not serve; and the town immediately voted a
bounty of six dollars with the addition of ten dollars monthly pay to
those called into actual service. "The cradle of the revolution" cannot
become the sink of disaffection - and men will be found that followed
Arnold through the then howling wilderness who, a second time, will set
themselves down before Quebec, in force and irresistable power.
The last paragraph of the article from the Centinel is of itself sufficiently
odious. It is of a piece with the mission of John Henry; it comes from the
same spirit, and would have the same issue. It needs only to be seen to
be hated. It springs from a feeling that must be eradicated; a feeling
that existed in 1776, and threatened the congress of that with dreadful
things: the "snake was scorch'd not kill'd," and the ill-advised return
from Halifax in 1783 gave body and substance, with activity and force, to
it - and trade and commerce, gold and intrigue, have so metamorphosed
some people in the United States, that (as Mr. Pickering said on another
occasion) "it is impossible to distinguish them from English men." This
hydra talks of Washington and calmly proposes a separation of the
states - it preaches morality and order, and speaks of a resistance to
the laws! Such sentiments, however, though loudly expressed, are held
by a very contemptible portion of the people; they will be eradicated by
the war, and their eradication will indemnify the expense of it. The
disaffected are far less numerous than they were in 1776: and they may
depend upon it there will be no second return for such from Nova Scotia