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War!
Editorial from the Columbian Centinel on May 20, 1812
The universal sentiment against a British War which prevails among
considerate men of all parties in this section of the Union, is
accompanied by a natural, but perhaps a false security in the conviction
of the impossibility of this event. With the exception of a few brawlers in
the street, and of some office-holding editors, we can find none who
seriously wish to promote this calamity.
It is evident that under the circumstances of this country a declaration of
war would be in effect a license and a bounty offered by our government
to the British Fleet to scour our coasts - to sweep our remaining
navigation from the ocean, to annihilate our commerce, and to drive the
country, by a rapid declension, into the state of poverty and distress
which attended the close of the revolutionary struggle.
We are convinced of the absence of those exasperated feelings in the
great body of the people which would impel them to such a conflict. We
fathom the length and depth of the artificial excitement, which is
attempted by men of desperate fortunes and character, and we are
satisfied that, in their efforts to influence the public mind, they apply
their blazing torches to a mountain of ice. Other considerations come in
aid of our confidence. The proposed enemy is invulnerable to us, while
we are on all sides open to assault.
The conquest of Canada would be less useful to us than that of
Nova-Zembla, and could not be so easily achieved. Our red brethren
forgetful of the patriotic "talks" of their "father" Jefferson would pour
down upon our frontier, and our black brethren would show themselves
not less enamoured with the examples of liberty taught in St. Domingo
than their masters are with those derived from its mother country.
New-Orleans and the Floridas would pass into the hands of the enemy.
Our seaports would be under strict blockade, and the mouths of our
rivers would be bridged with frigates. Besides the war would be
interminable, or end in a surrender on our part of the objects of
contention. If the British nation, which now copes with a world in arms,
should yield to us - a people destitute of naval force and capable of
contact with her in only one point; whatever may be our internal
strength, and national valour; it must be through feelings of
complacence and affection, inspired by the known partiality of our
Presidents, Governors, and Members of Congress, expressed in the
public proceedings. Secluded from the world and oppressed by taxes,
idle for want of employment, and indigent because idle, this once happy
people would repine with maddening recollection of the days of their
prosperity.
Discontent, sedition and public commotions would ensue. The swords of
the new army must not be suffered to rust "for lack, of somebody to hew
and hack;" and civil discord would probably finish the catalogue of evils
arising from such a state. A fair experiment has shown that the men
beyond the Potommac who are the chief instigators to war have no
money to apply to this object; and that the men on this side of it, will not
part with theirs to accelerate their own ruin. It is no longer doubtful that
the Eastern States, are invincibly opposed to war, and that nothing
short of a conscription will fill an army for the foolish crusade. It is not
less evident that our people will sooner become volunteers to drive from
power the men who shall plunge them into a ruinous war, than
conscripts to carry it on.
Under an impression of this state of public opinion, confirmed by all we
see and hear among our own people, we can hardly believe in the
existence of a spirit of infatuation capable of urging our government to
such an extremity. The men whose voice in Congress is for war, appear
to be acting a theatrical part, and we impute their rant and violence to
their feelings and dispositions rather than to ultimate and settled
purpose.
It is well to be prepared for disappointment in these calculations. It is
well for us to begin to think, how we shall be disposed to act, when we
find ourselves in fact, the subjects of men from other States, who are
devoid of sympathy for our interests, respect for our character, ignorant
of our habits - who mock at our calamity and laugh when our fear
cometh.
Editorial from the Columbian Centinel on May 20, 1812
The universal sentiment against a British War which prevails among
considerate men of all parties in this section of the Union, is
accompanied by a natural, but perhaps a false security in the conviction
of the impossibility of this event. With the exception of a few brawlers in
the street, and of some office-holding editors, we can find none who
seriously wish to promote this calamity.
It is evident that under the circumstances of this country a declaration of
war would be in effect a license and a bounty offered by our government
to the British Fleet to scour our coasts - to sweep our remaining
navigation from the ocean, to annihilate our commerce, and to drive the
country, by a rapid declension, into the state of poverty and distress
which attended the close of the revolutionary struggle.
We are convinced of the absence of those exasperated feelings in the
great body of the people which would impel them to such a conflict. We
fathom the length and depth of the artificial excitement, which is
attempted by men of desperate fortunes and character, and we are
satisfied that, in their efforts to influence the public mind, they apply
their blazing torches to a mountain of ice. Other considerations come in
aid of our confidence. The proposed enemy is invulnerable to us, while
we are on all sides open to assault.
The conquest of Canada would be less useful to us than that of
Nova-Zembla, and could not be so easily achieved. Our red brethren
forgetful of the patriotic "talks" of their "father" Jefferson would pour
down upon our frontier, and our black brethren would show themselves
not less enamoured with the examples of liberty taught in St. Domingo
than their masters are with those derived from its mother country.
New-Orleans and the Floridas would pass into the hands of the enemy.
Our seaports would be under strict blockade, and the mouths of our
rivers would be bridged with frigates. Besides the war would be
interminable, or end in a surrender on our part of the objects of
contention. If the British nation, which now copes with a world in arms,
should yield to us - a people destitute of naval force and capable of
contact with her in only one point; whatever may be our internal
strength, and national valour; it must be through feelings of
complacence and affection, inspired by the known partiality of our
Presidents, Governors, and Members of Congress, expressed in the
public proceedings. Secluded from the world and oppressed by taxes,
idle for want of employment, and indigent because idle, this once happy
people would repine with maddening recollection of the days of their
prosperity.
Discontent, sedition and public commotions would ensue. The swords of
the new army must not be suffered to rust "for lack, of somebody to hew
and hack;" and civil discord would probably finish the catalogue of evils
arising from such a state. A fair experiment has shown that the men
beyond the Potommac who are the chief instigators to war have no
money to apply to this object; and that the men on this side of it, will not
part with theirs to accelerate their own ruin. It is no longer doubtful that
the Eastern States, are invincibly opposed to war, and that nothing
short of a conscription will fill an army for the foolish crusade. It is not
less evident that our people will sooner become volunteers to drive from
power the men who shall plunge them into a ruinous war, than
conscripts to carry it on.
Under an impression of this state of public opinion, confirmed by all we
see and hear among our own people, we can hardly believe in the
existence of a spirit of infatuation capable of urging our government to
such an extremity. The men whose voice in Congress is for war, appear
to be acting a theatrical part, and we impute their rant and violence to
their feelings and dispositions rather than to ultimate and settled
purpose.
It is well to be prepared for disappointment in these calculations. It is
well for us to begin to think, how we shall be disposed to act, when we
find ourselves in fact, the subjects of men from other States, who are
devoid of sympathy for our interests, respect for our character, ignorant
of our habits - who mock at our calamity and laugh when our fear
cometh.