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The War of 1812:
Land Operations
By George F.G. Stanley
First published in 1983
Macmillan of Canada (Toronto)
A division of Gage Publishing Limited
in collaboration with the
Canadian War Museum
National Museum of Man
National Museums of Canada
ISBN: 0-7715-9859-9
Since it was first published, Stanley's book has
been considered the bible of what happened
during the War of 1812. One of the most
exhaustive books on the conflict it is,
unfortunately, very tough to find.
It seems that the book is out of print, but you
might be able to hunt one down at a used
bookstore, though you may have to pay a
hefty price for it. But it's well worth it.
It's a 489-page authoritative volume that
covers the conflict from before war was
declared by the Americans to the signing of
the Treaty of Ghent that ended the conflict
and everything in between.
Land Operations
By George F.G. Stanley
First published in 1983
Macmillan of Canada (Toronto)
A division of Gage Publishing Limited
in collaboration with the
Canadian War Museum
National Museum of Man
National Museums of Canada
ISBN: 0-7715-9859-9
Since it was first published, Stanley's book has
been considered the bible of what happened
during the War of 1812. One of the most
exhaustive books on the conflict it is,
unfortunately, very tough to find.
It seems that the book is out of print, but you
might be able to hunt one down at a used
bookstore, though you may have to pay a
hefty price for it. But it's well worth it.
It's a 489-page authoritative volume that
covers the conflict from before war was
declared by the Americans to the signing of
the Treaty of Ghent that ended the conflict
and everything in between.
It's chalk full of maps — 27 in all — that show the battles and
geography of the period in great detail. And it has countless paintings,
engravings and so on that showcase noted individuals and famous
scenes. It is, quite simply, the best book on the War of 1812 yet
produced. Hopefully the publishers will see fit to print another run (this
could well have already happened, but there is no evidence of new
copies sitting on store shelves yet.)
Excerpt
The following is an excerpt from Stanley's book about Brock's role as
the administrator of Upper Canada.
Well before war became a reality, Major General Isaac Brock,
commanding the troops in Upper Canada, realized that the imbalance
in the population between the Loyalists and the immigrants from the
United States might well lead to serious problems. He hoped,
however, that his hand would be strengthened by his being sworn in
as president of the Council and administrator of the province in
October 1811, when Sir Francis Gore was to leave for England to look
after his personal affairs. To possess both political and military power
would greatly simplify the situation, for most military problems were
inextricably intertwined with political problems, particularly those
relating to the financing of the war, recruiting, martial law, aliens and
habeas corpus. Problems such as these could more effectively be
dealt with by a single authority than by two separate bodies.
On 3 February 1812, Brock met his first legislature. He spoke quietly to
the members in patriotic terms and expressed his confidence in the
loyalty of the people and the militia. Then he requested the legislature
to adopt measures necessary to improve the training of the militia, to
suspend habeas corpus should that drastic action be necessary, to
control aliens, and to offer rewards for the apprehension of deserters.
He also made it clear that he believed that the Assembly and the
Council should insist upon an oath of allegiance, abjuring fidelity to
any foreign power. Simple affirmations of fidelity of the kind required
by Simcoe were not enough. "If I succeed in all of this," he wrote, "I
shall claim some praise, but I am not without my fears."
Indeed, Brock was something less than successful. The bill requiring
the oath of abjuration was lost by the deciding vote of the chairman,
and the bill for the suspension of habeas corpus by a small majority.
The Assembly did, however, vote moneys to recover deserters, and
gave Brock funds to train the militia. The rejection of the abjuration
oath and the habeas corpus bill showed Brock that he was not going
to have it all his own way. He saw this as strong evidence of the "truly
alarming" political clout of the large number of American sympathizers
in the province, who representatives in the legislature, including
Joseph Willcocks, led the opposition to his restrictive measures. Brock
expressed his disappointment in a letter to the adjutant general,
Edward Baynes. The reply he received offered sympathy and cold
comfort. Baynes wrote that Sir George Prevost, "well versed in the
fickle and intractable disposition of public assemblies, feels more
regret than disappointment. He has a very delicate card to play with
his House of Assembly here, who would fain keep up the farce of
being highly charmed with his amiable disposition and affable
manners."
After the declaration of war in June, Brock immediately called for
another meeting of the legislature. On 27 July the members
assembled in the little frame parliament building at York (Toronto).
Brock realized that the prospects for unanimity in their deliberations
were not bright. The members of the Long Point militia, for instance,
had been reluctant to turn out for their own reasons, and the
magistrates were equally reluctant to do anything about them — this
in a region of the province where he had not anticipated any trouble.
Brock wondered if Hull's rapid advance into Canada had thrown the
civil authorities as well as the people of the province into a panic and
nobody had any faith in the likelihood of stopping him.
"Legislators, magistrates, militia officers," Brock wrote, were so
"sluggish and indifferent" that they neglected to perform duties that
might place them in a bad light with the United States military
authorities; accordingly, "The artful and active scoundrel is allowed to
parade the country without interruption and commit all imaginable
mischief." These were Brock's words to Baynes shortly after the
legislative session began. He added, "They are so alarmed of
offending that they rather encourage than repress disorders and
other improper acts" because "they dread the vengeance of the
democratic party, they are such a set of unrelenting villains."
geography of the period in great detail. And it has countless paintings,
engravings and so on that showcase noted individuals and famous
scenes. It is, quite simply, the best book on the War of 1812 yet
produced. Hopefully the publishers will see fit to print another run (this
could well have already happened, but there is no evidence of new
copies sitting on store shelves yet.)
Excerpt
The following is an excerpt from Stanley's book about Brock's role as
the administrator of Upper Canada.
Well before war became a reality, Major General Isaac Brock,
commanding the troops in Upper Canada, realized that the imbalance
in the population between the Loyalists and the immigrants from the
United States might well lead to serious problems. He hoped,
however, that his hand would be strengthened by his being sworn in
as president of the Council and administrator of the province in
October 1811, when Sir Francis Gore was to leave for England to look
after his personal affairs. To possess both political and military power
would greatly simplify the situation, for most military problems were
inextricably intertwined with political problems, particularly those
relating to the financing of the war, recruiting, martial law, aliens and
habeas corpus. Problems such as these could more effectively be
dealt with by a single authority than by two separate bodies.
On 3 February 1812, Brock met his first legislature. He spoke quietly to
the members in patriotic terms and expressed his confidence in the
loyalty of the people and the militia. Then he requested the legislature
to adopt measures necessary to improve the training of the militia, to
suspend habeas corpus should that drastic action be necessary, to
control aliens, and to offer rewards for the apprehension of deserters.
He also made it clear that he believed that the Assembly and the
Council should insist upon an oath of allegiance, abjuring fidelity to
any foreign power. Simple affirmations of fidelity of the kind required
by Simcoe were not enough. "If I succeed in all of this," he wrote, "I
shall claim some praise, but I am not without my fears."
Indeed, Brock was something less than successful. The bill requiring
the oath of abjuration was lost by the deciding vote of the chairman,
and the bill for the suspension of habeas corpus by a small majority.
The Assembly did, however, vote moneys to recover deserters, and
gave Brock funds to train the militia. The rejection of the abjuration
oath and the habeas corpus bill showed Brock that he was not going
to have it all his own way. He saw this as strong evidence of the "truly
alarming" political clout of the large number of American sympathizers
in the province, who representatives in the legislature, including
Joseph Willcocks, led the opposition to his restrictive measures. Brock
expressed his disappointment in a letter to the adjutant general,
Edward Baynes. The reply he received offered sympathy and cold
comfort. Baynes wrote that Sir George Prevost, "well versed in the
fickle and intractable disposition of public assemblies, feels more
regret than disappointment. He has a very delicate card to play with
his House of Assembly here, who would fain keep up the farce of
being highly charmed with his amiable disposition and affable
manners."
After the declaration of war in June, Brock immediately called for
another meeting of the legislature. On 27 July the members
assembled in the little frame parliament building at York (Toronto).
Brock realized that the prospects for unanimity in their deliberations
were not bright. The members of the Long Point militia, for instance,
had been reluctant to turn out for their own reasons, and the
magistrates were equally reluctant to do anything about them — this
in a region of the province where he had not anticipated any trouble.
Brock wondered if Hull's rapid advance into Canada had thrown the
civil authorities as well as the people of the province into a panic and
nobody had any faith in the likelihood of stopping him.
"Legislators, magistrates, militia officers," Brock wrote, were so
"sluggish and indifferent" that they neglected to perform duties that
might place them in a bad light with the United States military
authorities; accordingly, "The artful and active scoundrel is allowed to
parade the country without interruption and commit all imaginable
mischief." These were Brock's words to Baynes shortly after the
legislative session began. He added, "They are so alarmed of
offending that they rather encourage than repress disorders and
other improper acts" because "they dread the vengeance of the
democratic party, they are such a set of unrelenting villains."