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Niagara before the war
An in-depth look at the town of Niagara (also
known as Newark and Niagara-on-the-lake) and
the surrounding country in the years and months
leading up to the War of 1812
By Lieut.-Colonel Ernest Cruikshank
For about a quarter of a
century Niagara was the
principal town and commercial
capital of Western Canada,
and for a brief period was
actually the seat of
government for the Upper
Province. The removal of the
provincial offices to York
[Toronto] in 1796 struck
the first blow at its
supremacy, but its
material prosperity continued
until the beginning of the
war with the United States
when its exposed situation
subjected it to a series of
calamities which culminated
in its total destruction on
the 10th of December, 1813.
Newark was a prosperous village by 1812. This detail from a view by
Surgeon Edward Walsh was drawn from Fort Niagara, shown in the right
foreground, on April 20, 1812. Source: William L. Clements Library.
During that time many travelers of more or less note visited the place at
short intervals on their way to or from the falls, and a considerable
number of them have recorded their observations. Patrick Campbell in
1791, D’Arcy Bolton in 1794, the Duke de Rochefoucauld Liancourt in
1795, Isaac Weld and J.C. Ogden in 1798, John Maude in 1800, George
Herlot in 1808, Christian Schultz in 1807, John Melish in 1810 and
Michael Smith in 1812 have described the town and adjacent country at
considerable length from various points of view. Other accounts are to
be found in the National Intelligencer newspaper published at
Washington, D.C., in 1812, and in Smith’s Gazetteer of Upper Canada for
1813. From these numerous sources it would seem an easy task to form
a fairly correct estimate of the appearance of the town, its commercial
importance and the character of the inhabitants.
It is described as being nearly a mile square, sparsely built, with many
pasture fields, gardens, orchards and open spaces interspersed among
the houses. Smith, an American resident of the province who was
expelled in 1812 for having declined to take an oath of allegiance, states
that there were “several squares of ground in the village adorned with
almost every kind of precious fruit.” According to the same authority it
contained two churches — one of them built of stone, a court house and
jail, an Indian council house, an academy in which Latin and Greek were
taught by the Rev. John Burns, a Presbyterian minister, a printing house,
six taverns, twenty stores and about a hundred dwelling houses, many
of them described as “handsome buildings of brick or stone, the rest
being of wood, neatly painted.”
From the lake the town is said to have made an “imposing appearance”
as most of the buildings fronted the water. Smith concludes his account
with the remark that it was a “beautiful and prospective place, inhabited
by civil and industrious people.” Dr. John Mann, a surgeon in the United
States army who accompanied the invading forces and afterwards wrote
the “Medical History of the War”, styles it “a delightful village.” The
population was probably underestimated at five hundred exclusive of
the regular garrison of Fort George, usually numbering about two
hundred men. The names John Symington, Andrew Heron, Joseph
Edwards, John Grier, John Baldwin and James Muirhead have been
recorded as some of the principle merchants of the day.
An open plain or common of nearly a mile in width separated the town
from Fort George. The post was described by the Governor General [Sir
George Prevost] in the early summer of 1812, in [his] official report on
the defences of Upper Canada, as an irregular fieldwork consisting of six
small bastions faced with framed timber and plank, connected by a line
of palisades twelve feet high, and surrounded by a shallow dry ditch. Its
situation and construction were alike condemned as extremely defective.
Although it partially commanded Fort Niagara, it was in turn overlooked
and commanded by the high ground on the opposite side of the river
near Youngstown. The troops were lodged in blockhouses inside
affording quarters for 220 men, besides which there was a spacious
building for officers. The magazine was built of stone with an arched roof
but was not considered bombproof. All the works were very much out of
repair and reported as scarcely capable of the least defence.
On the margin of the river immediately in front of the fort stood a large
log building known as Navy Hall, which had been constructed during the
American Revolution, to serve as winter-quarters for the officers and
seamen of the Provincial vessels on Lake Ontario. Near this was a
spacious wharf with good-sized store houses, both public and private.
The Rangers’ Barracks, also built of logs, and an Indian Council House
were situated on the further edge of the common, just south of the
town. A small stone lighthouse had been built upon Mississauga Point, in
1804.
The road leading along the river to Queenston was thickly studded with
farm buildings, and the latter village is said to have contained nearly a
hundred houses, many of them being large and well built structures of
stone or brick, estimated at 300. Vessels of fifty tons and upwards,
loaded with goods for the upper country, sailed up the river to this
place, where they discharged their cargoes, and took in furs and grain in
return. Ever since its establishment the “Carrying Place,” on the
Canadian side of the river, had furnished much profitable employment to
the neighbouring farmers, who were paid at the rate of twenty pence,
New York currency, a hundred weight for hauling goods between
Queenston and Chippawa; Maude relates that during his visit in 1800,
he passed many carts and wagons on this road, taking up boxes and
bales of merchandise, or bringing down furs, each drawn by two horses
or two yoke of oxen. Three schooners were then moored at the wharf at
Queenston, and fourteen teams stood waiting to be loaded. Others had
noticed as many as fifty or sixty teams passing each other in a day. At
this time the old portage on the American bank was entirely disused but
in 1806 the exclusive rights to the carrying place on that side were
granted to Porter, Barton & Co., and much of the traffic was
consequently diverted.
Christian Schultz, tells us that in 1807 the Canadian side of the river was
“one settled street, from Lake Ontario to Lake Erie,” while the other was
still almost “waste and uninhabitated,” which he attributes chiefly to the
fact that the land on the American bank was entirely held by
speculators. The villages of Chippawa and Fort Erie contained about
twenty houses each. For upwards of twenty miles back, he states that
the country was pretty well settled from lake to lake. A stage coach
made three round trips weekly between Niagara and Fort Erie. A
considerable sum from the Provincial Treasury was annually spent in
opening and improving roads. Frenchman’s, Miller’s and Black creeks
were bridged only on the river road, but there was a bridge across Lyon’
s creek, at Cook’s Mill, and the Chippawa was bridged at its mouth, and
at Brown’s sixteen miles higher up. From the Portage Road near the
falls, a continuation of Lundy’s Lane led westerly through the
Beechwoods and Beaver Dam settlements, crossed the Twelve Mile
creek at De Cew’s, and following the crest of the mountain to the
Twenty, ascended that stream as far as a small hamlet, known as
“Asswago” and finally united with the main road from Niagara to York
near Stoney Creek. Another well traveled road from Queenston passed
through St. Davids, and joined the Lake Road from Niagara to Shipman’s
tavern, where they crossed the Twelve Mile Creek on the present site of
the city of St. Catharines. A third leading from Niagara through the
dreaded “Black Swamp”, of which all trace has long since disappeared,
united with the road from St. Davids before crossing the Four Mile creek.
Still another beginning near the mouth of the Two Mile creek, ran nearly
parallel with the river, till it intersected at Lundy’s Lane. Besides these
there were the main traveled roads along the river from Queenston to
Niagara and along the lake from Niagara to Burlington.
In 1794, Lieutenant Governor John Graves Simcoe styled the Niagara
settlement “the bulwark of Upper Canada” and affirmed that the militia
were loyal to a man, and “very well calculated for offensive warfare,”
since then the character and feelings of the population had essentially
altered. Many of the first settlers had died or removed with their families
to other parts of the Province, and their places had been taken by later
immigrants from the United States. The twenty townships extending
from Ancaster to Wainfleet, which then composed the County of Lincoln,
were supposed to contain 12,000 inhabitants in the spring of 1812. In
the entire province of Upper Canada, one-sixth of the population were
believed to be natives of the British Isles and their children; the original
loyalist settlers and their descendants were estimated to number as
many more, while the remainer, or about two-thirds of the whole, were
recent arrivals from the United States, chiefly attracted by the fertility of
the soil and freedom from taxation. Michael Smith states (1813), that
within twelve years, the population “had increased beyond conjecture,
as the terms of obtaining land have been extremely easy.” The
proportion of loyalists in the County of Lincoln was perhaps greater than
elsewhere, but it is probably a safe estimate to say that one-third of the
inhabitants were recent settlers from the United States, who had
removed to escape taxation or avoid militia service. John Maude met
several families in 1800 on their way to Canada from those counties in
Pennsylvania, where the “Whiskey Insurrection” had just been
suppressed, who informed him that they had fought seven years against
taxation, and were then being taxed more than ever. “Hundreds of
them,” he remarked, “have removed, are removing, and will remove into
Upper Canada, where they will form a nest of vipers in the bosom that
fosters them.”
In 1811, the Governor General estimated the number of militiamen in
Upper Canada fit for service at 11,000, of whom he significantly stated
that it would probably not be prudent to arm more than 4,000. This was
virtually an admission that more than half the population were
suspected of disaffection. The Linclon Militia were organized in five
regiments, numbering about 1,500 men, of whom perhaps two-thirds
were determined loyalists.
In many quarters before the war, the disaffection of the people was
open and undisguised. Schultz states that while at Presqu’ Isle, on Lake
Ontario, in 1807, he strolled along the main road, and found six or seven
farmers assembled in a country tavern, who had just heard of the
Chesapeake affair. “They seemed disappointed,” he observed, “that I
did not think it would lead to war, when they expected to become part
of the United States.” He also relates that he was subsequently in a
public house in Niagara, where eight or ten persons were gathered
about a billiard table. The attack upon the Chesapeake again became
the topic of conversation, and one man said, “if Congress will only send
us a flag and a proclamation declaring that whoever is found in arms
against the United States, shall forfeit his lands, we will fight ourselves
free without any expense to them.”
John Melish declared his conviction from enquiries made during his visit in
1810, “that if 5,000 men were sent into Upper Canada with a
proclamation of independence, the great mass of the people would join
the American Government.” Dr. Tiffany and Barnabas Bidwell, formerly
Attorney General of Massachussets, and a representative in Congress,
who had become a defaulter and fled to the Newcastle District, near the
Bay of Quinte, where he was engaged in teaching a private school wrote
secretly to their political friends in a similar strain.
These statements were eagerly quoted, and no doubt believed by the
leaders of the war party in Congress. Henry Clay assured the people
that “the conquest of Canada is in your power. I trust I shall not be
deemed presumptuous when I state that I verily believe that the Militia
of Kentucky are alone competent to place Montreal and Upper Canada at
your feet.”
On the 6th of March, 1812, John C. Calhoun expressed equal confidence.
“So far from being unprepared, Sir,” he exclaimed, “I believe that four
weeks from the time the declaration of war is heard on our frontier, the
whole of Upper Canada and a part of Lower Canada will be in our
possession.”
Thomas Jefferson wrote about the same time that, “The acquisition of
Canada this year as far as the neighbourhood of Quebec, would be a
mere matter of marching, and would give us experience for the attack of
Halifax, the next and the final expulsion of England from the American
continent.”
William Eustis, the Secretary of War, was is possible, still more optimistic.
“We can take Canada without soldiers,” he declared, “we have only to
send officers into the Province and the people disaffected to their own
Government will rally around our standard.” General William Widgery, a
representative in Congress from Massachusetts, gained momentary
notoriety by his statement: “I will engage to take Canada by contract. I
will raise a company and take it in six weeks.” Another speaker declared
that “Niagara Falls could be resisted with as much success as the
American people when roused into action.” After the declaration of war
had been promulgated, Clay, the speaker of the House of
Representatives, and the real leader of the war party, solemnly declared
that he would never consent to any treaty of peace which did not
provide for the cession of Canada.
The correspondence of General Brock with the Governor General shows
that in many respects these expectations were well founded, and that
he was far from being hopeful of offering a successful defence without
strong reinforcements.
“The late increase of ammunition and every species of stores,” he wrote
on Dec. 2, 1811, “the substitution of a strong regiment and the
appointment of a military person to the government, have tended to
infuse other sentiments among the most reflecting part of the
community, and during my visit to Niagara last week I received most
satisfactory professions of a determination on the part of the principal
inhabitants to exert every means in their power for the defence of their
property and to support the government. They look with confidence to
you for aid. Although perfectly aware of the number of improper
characters who have obtained possessions and whose principles diffuse
a spirit of insubordination very adverse to all military institutions, I
believe the majority will prove faithful. It is best to act with the utmost
liberality and as if no mistrust existed. Unless the inhabitants give a
faithful aid it will be utterly impossible to preserve the province, with the
limited number of military.”
On Feb. 24, 1812, a proclamation was published announcing that
diverse persons had recently come into the province “with a seditious
intent and to endeavour to alienate the minds of His Majesty’s subjects,”
and directing the officers appointed to enforce the act lately passed by
the legislature “for the better security of the province against all
seditious attempts” to be vigilant in the discharge of their duties. Joseph
Edwards of Niagara, Samuel Street of Willoughby, Thomas Dickson of
Queenston, William Crooks of Grimsby and Samuel Hutt of Ancaster were
among the persons commissioned to execute this law.
On April 17, a boy at Queenston fired a shot across the river which
happily did no injury. He was promptly arrested and committed for trial,
and two resident magistrates, James Kirby and Robert Grant, tendered
an apology to the inhabitants of Lewiston for his offence. Five days later
General Brock reported that a body of three hundred men in plain
clothes had been seen patrolling the American side of the river. On the
25th, it was announced that 170 citizens of Buffalo had volunteered for
military service. A proclamation by President James Madison calling out
100,000 was published about the same time, and the Governor of New
York was required to send 500 men to the Niagara which he hastened to
do, being a warm advocate of the war.
Meanwhile the flank companies of militia regiments of the counties of
Lincoln, Norfolk and York were embodied by General Brock and drilled six
times a month. They numbered about 700 young men belonging to “the
best class of settlers.” By the recent Militia Act, they were required to
arm and clothe themselves, and as many of them had far to travel, Brock
begged that they should at least receive an allowance for rations.
The Governor General suggested that the government of the United
States entertained hopes that something might happen to provoke a
quarrel between its soldiers and the British troops on that frontier, and
desired him to take every precaution to prevent any such pretext for
hostilities.
Early in May, Brock made a rapid tour of inspection along the Niagara,
thence to the Mohawk village on the Grand river, returning to York by
way of Ancaster. He reported that the people generally seemed well
disposed and that the flank companies had mustered in full strength.
About the author
Ernest Alexander Cruikshank
(1853-1939) was born in Bertie
Township, Welland County, Ontario.
He was a journalist, public servant,
soldier, archivist and historian. He
was known and often referred to
as the "Historian of the Niagara".
He was a prolific author,
publishing more than 200 titles
during his lifetime.
An in-depth look at the town of Niagara (also
known as Newark and Niagara-on-the-lake) and
the surrounding country in the years and months
leading up to the War of 1812
By Lieut.-Colonel Ernest Cruikshank
For about a quarter of a
century Niagara was the
principal town and commercial
capital of Western Canada,
and for a brief period was
actually the seat of
government for the Upper
Province. The removal of the
provincial offices to York
[Toronto] in 1796 struck
the first blow at its
supremacy, but its
material prosperity continued
until the beginning of the
war with the United States
when its exposed situation
subjected it to a series of
calamities which culminated
in its total destruction on
the 10th of December, 1813.
Newark was a prosperous village by 1812. This detail from a view by
Surgeon Edward Walsh was drawn from Fort Niagara, shown in the right
foreground, on April 20, 1812. Source: William L. Clements Library.
During that time many travelers of more or less note visited the place at
short intervals on their way to or from the falls, and a considerable
number of them have recorded their observations. Patrick Campbell in
1791, D’Arcy Bolton in 1794, the Duke de Rochefoucauld Liancourt in
1795, Isaac Weld and J.C. Ogden in 1798, John Maude in 1800, George
Herlot in 1808, Christian Schultz in 1807, John Melish in 1810 and
Michael Smith in 1812 have described the town and adjacent country at
considerable length from various points of view. Other accounts are to
be found in the National Intelligencer newspaper published at
Washington, D.C., in 1812, and in Smith’s Gazetteer of Upper Canada for
1813. From these numerous sources it would seem an easy task to form
a fairly correct estimate of the appearance of the town, its commercial
importance and the character of the inhabitants.
It is described as being nearly a mile square, sparsely built, with many
pasture fields, gardens, orchards and open spaces interspersed among
the houses. Smith, an American resident of the province who was
expelled in 1812 for having declined to take an oath of allegiance, states
that there were “several squares of ground in the village adorned with
almost every kind of precious fruit.” According to the same authority it
contained two churches — one of them built of stone, a court house and
jail, an Indian council house, an academy in which Latin and Greek were
taught by the Rev. John Burns, a Presbyterian minister, a printing house,
six taverns, twenty stores and about a hundred dwelling houses, many
of them described as “handsome buildings of brick or stone, the rest
being of wood, neatly painted.”
From the lake the town is said to have made an “imposing appearance”
as most of the buildings fronted the water. Smith concludes his account
with the remark that it was a “beautiful and prospective place, inhabited
by civil and industrious people.” Dr. John Mann, a surgeon in the United
States army who accompanied the invading forces and afterwards wrote
the “Medical History of the War”, styles it “a delightful village.” The
population was probably underestimated at five hundred exclusive of
the regular garrison of Fort George, usually numbering about two
hundred men. The names John Symington, Andrew Heron, Joseph
Edwards, John Grier, John Baldwin and James Muirhead have been
recorded as some of the principle merchants of the day.
An open plain or common of nearly a mile in width separated the town
from Fort George. The post was described by the Governor General [Sir
George Prevost] in the early summer of 1812, in [his] official report on
the defences of Upper Canada, as an irregular fieldwork consisting of six
small bastions faced with framed timber and plank, connected by a line
of palisades twelve feet high, and surrounded by a shallow dry ditch. Its
situation and construction were alike condemned as extremely defective.
Although it partially commanded Fort Niagara, it was in turn overlooked
and commanded by the high ground on the opposite side of the river
near Youngstown. The troops were lodged in blockhouses inside
affording quarters for 220 men, besides which there was a spacious
building for officers. The magazine was built of stone with an arched roof
but was not considered bombproof. All the works were very much out of
repair and reported as scarcely capable of the least defence.
On the margin of the river immediately in front of the fort stood a large
log building known as Navy Hall, which had been constructed during the
American Revolution, to serve as winter-quarters for the officers and
seamen of the Provincial vessels on Lake Ontario. Near this was a
spacious wharf with good-sized store houses, both public and private.
The Rangers’ Barracks, also built of logs, and an Indian Council House
were situated on the further edge of the common, just south of the
town. A small stone lighthouse had been built upon Mississauga Point, in
1804.
The road leading along the river to Queenston was thickly studded with
farm buildings, and the latter village is said to have contained nearly a
hundred houses, many of them being large and well built structures of
stone or brick, estimated at 300. Vessels of fifty tons and upwards,
loaded with goods for the upper country, sailed up the river to this
place, where they discharged their cargoes, and took in furs and grain in
return. Ever since its establishment the “Carrying Place,” on the
Canadian side of the river, had furnished much profitable employment to
the neighbouring farmers, who were paid at the rate of twenty pence,
New York currency, a hundred weight for hauling goods between
Queenston and Chippawa; Maude relates that during his visit in 1800,
he passed many carts and wagons on this road, taking up boxes and
bales of merchandise, or bringing down furs, each drawn by two horses
or two yoke of oxen. Three schooners were then moored at the wharf at
Queenston, and fourteen teams stood waiting to be loaded. Others had
noticed as many as fifty or sixty teams passing each other in a day. At
this time the old portage on the American bank was entirely disused but
in 1806 the exclusive rights to the carrying place on that side were
granted to Porter, Barton & Co., and much of the traffic was
consequently diverted.
Christian Schultz, tells us that in 1807 the Canadian side of the river was
“one settled street, from Lake Ontario to Lake Erie,” while the other was
still almost “waste and uninhabitated,” which he attributes chiefly to the
fact that the land on the American bank was entirely held by
speculators. The villages of Chippawa and Fort Erie contained about
twenty houses each. For upwards of twenty miles back, he states that
the country was pretty well settled from lake to lake. A stage coach
made three round trips weekly between Niagara and Fort Erie. A
considerable sum from the Provincial Treasury was annually spent in
opening and improving roads. Frenchman’s, Miller’s and Black creeks
were bridged only on the river road, but there was a bridge across Lyon’
s creek, at Cook’s Mill, and the Chippawa was bridged at its mouth, and
at Brown’s sixteen miles higher up. From the Portage Road near the
falls, a continuation of Lundy’s Lane led westerly through the
Beechwoods and Beaver Dam settlements, crossed the Twelve Mile
creek at De Cew’s, and following the crest of the mountain to the
Twenty, ascended that stream as far as a small hamlet, known as
“Asswago” and finally united with the main road from Niagara to York
near Stoney Creek. Another well traveled road from Queenston passed
through St. Davids, and joined the Lake Road from Niagara to Shipman’s
tavern, where they crossed the Twelve Mile Creek on the present site of
the city of St. Catharines. A third leading from Niagara through the
dreaded “Black Swamp”, of which all trace has long since disappeared,
united with the road from St. Davids before crossing the Four Mile creek.
Still another beginning near the mouth of the Two Mile creek, ran nearly
parallel with the river, till it intersected at Lundy’s Lane. Besides these
there were the main traveled roads along the river from Queenston to
Niagara and along the lake from Niagara to Burlington.
In 1794, Lieutenant Governor John Graves Simcoe styled the Niagara
settlement “the bulwark of Upper Canada” and affirmed that the militia
were loyal to a man, and “very well calculated for offensive warfare,”
since then the character and feelings of the population had essentially
altered. Many of the first settlers had died or removed with their families
to other parts of the Province, and their places had been taken by later
immigrants from the United States. The twenty townships extending
from Ancaster to Wainfleet, which then composed the County of Lincoln,
were supposed to contain 12,000 inhabitants in the spring of 1812. In
the entire province of Upper Canada, one-sixth of the population were
believed to be natives of the British Isles and their children; the original
loyalist settlers and their descendants were estimated to number as
many more, while the remainer, or about two-thirds of the whole, were
recent arrivals from the United States, chiefly attracted by the fertility of
the soil and freedom from taxation. Michael Smith states (1813), that
within twelve years, the population “had increased beyond conjecture,
as the terms of obtaining land have been extremely easy.” The
proportion of loyalists in the County of Lincoln was perhaps greater than
elsewhere, but it is probably a safe estimate to say that one-third of the
inhabitants were recent settlers from the United States, who had
removed to escape taxation or avoid militia service. John Maude met
several families in 1800 on their way to Canada from those counties in
Pennsylvania, where the “Whiskey Insurrection” had just been
suppressed, who informed him that they had fought seven years against
taxation, and were then being taxed more than ever. “Hundreds of
them,” he remarked, “have removed, are removing, and will remove into
Upper Canada, where they will form a nest of vipers in the bosom that
fosters them.”
In 1811, the Governor General estimated the number of militiamen in
Upper Canada fit for service at 11,000, of whom he significantly stated
that it would probably not be prudent to arm more than 4,000. This was
virtually an admission that more than half the population were
suspected of disaffection. The Linclon Militia were organized in five
regiments, numbering about 1,500 men, of whom perhaps two-thirds
were determined loyalists.
In many quarters before the war, the disaffection of the people was
open and undisguised. Schultz states that while at Presqu’ Isle, on Lake
Ontario, in 1807, he strolled along the main road, and found six or seven
farmers assembled in a country tavern, who had just heard of the
Chesapeake affair. “They seemed disappointed,” he observed, “that I
did not think it would lead to war, when they expected to become part
of the United States.” He also relates that he was subsequently in a
public house in Niagara, where eight or ten persons were gathered
about a billiard table. The attack upon the Chesapeake again became
the topic of conversation, and one man said, “if Congress will only send
us a flag and a proclamation declaring that whoever is found in arms
against the United States, shall forfeit his lands, we will fight ourselves
free without any expense to them.”
John Melish declared his conviction from enquiries made during his visit in
1810, “that if 5,000 men were sent into Upper Canada with a
proclamation of independence, the great mass of the people would join
the American Government.” Dr. Tiffany and Barnabas Bidwell, formerly
Attorney General of Massachussets, and a representative in Congress,
who had become a defaulter and fled to the Newcastle District, near the
Bay of Quinte, where he was engaged in teaching a private school wrote
secretly to their political friends in a similar strain.
These statements were eagerly quoted, and no doubt believed by the
leaders of the war party in Congress. Henry Clay assured the people
that “the conquest of Canada is in your power. I trust I shall not be
deemed presumptuous when I state that I verily believe that the Militia
of Kentucky are alone competent to place Montreal and Upper Canada at
your feet.”
On the 6th of March, 1812, John C. Calhoun expressed equal confidence.
“So far from being unprepared, Sir,” he exclaimed, “I believe that four
weeks from the time the declaration of war is heard on our frontier, the
whole of Upper Canada and a part of Lower Canada will be in our
possession.”
Thomas Jefferson wrote about the same time that, “The acquisition of
Canada this year as far as the neighbourhood of Quebec, would be a
mere matter of marching, and would give us experience for the attack of
Halifax, the next and the final expulsion of England from the American
continent.”
William Eustis, the Secretary of War, was is possible, still more optimistic.
“We can take Canada without soldiers,” he declared, “we have only to
send officers into the Province and the people disaffected to their own
Government will rally around our standard.” General William Widgery, a
representative in Congress from Massachusetts, gained momentary
notoriety by his statement: “I will engage to take Canada by contract. I
will raise a company and take it in six weeks.” Another speaker declared
that “Niagara Falls could be resisted with as much success as the
American people when roused into action.” After the declaration of war
had been promulgated, Clay, the speaker of the House of
Representatives, and the real leader of the war party, solemnly declared
that he would never consent to any treaty of peace which did not
provide for the cession of Canada.
The correspondence of General Brock with the Governor General shows
that in many respects these expectations were well founded, and that
he was far from being hopeful of offering a successful defence without
strong reinforcements.
“The late increase of ammunition and every species of stores,” he wrote
on Dec. 2, 1811, “the substitution of a strong regiment and the
appointment of a military person to the government, have tended to
infuse other sentiments among the most reflecting part of the
community, and during my visit to Niagara last week I received most
satisfactory professions of a determination on the part of the principal
inhabitants to exert every means in their power for the defence of their
property and to support the government. They look with confidence to
you for aid. Although perfectly aware of the number of improper
characters who have obtained possessions and whose principles diffuse
a spirit of insubordination very adverse to all military institutions, I
believe the majority will prove faithful. It is best to act with the utmost
liberality and as if no mistrust existed. Unless the inhabitants give a
faithful aid it will be utterly impossible to preserve the province, with the
limited number of military.”
On Feb. 24, 1812, a proclamation was published announcing that
diverse persons had recently come into the province “with a seditious
intent and to endeavour to alienate the minds of His Majesty’s subjects,”
and directing the officers appointed to enforce the act lately passed by
the legislature “for the better security of the province against all
seditious attempts” to be vigilant in the discharge of their duties. Joseph
Edwards of Niagara, Samuel Street of Willoughby, Thomas Dickson of
Queenston, William Crooks of Grimsby and Samuel Hutt of Ancaster were
among the persons commissioned to execute this law.
On April 17, a boy at Queenston fired a shot across the river which
happily did no injury. He was promptly arrested and committed for trial,
and two resident magistrates, James Kirby and Robert Grant, tendered
an apology to the inhabitants of Lewiston for his offence. Five days later
General Brock reported that a body of three hundred men in plain
clothes had been seen patrolling the American side of the river. On the
25th, it was announced that 170 citizens of Buffalo had volunteered for
military service. A proclamation by President James Madison calling out
100,000 was published about the same time, and the Governor of New
York was required to send 500 men to the Niagara which he hastened to
do, being a warm advocate of the war.
Meanwhile the flank companies of militia regiments of the counties of
Lincoln, Norfolk and York were embodied by General Brock and drilled six
times a month. They numbered about 700 young men belonging to “the
best class of settlers.” By the recent Militia Act, they were required to
arm and clothe themselves, and as many of them had far to travel, Brock
begged that they should at least receive an allowance for rations.
The Governor General suggested that the government of the United
States entertained hopes that something might happen to provoke a
quarrel between its soldiers and the British troops on that frontier, and
desired him to take every precaution to prevent any such pretext for
hostilities.
Early in May, Brock made a rapid tour of inspection along the Niagara,
thence to the Mohawk village on the Grand river, returning to York by
way of Ancaster. He reported that the people generally seemed well
disposed and that the flank companies had mustered in full strength.
About the author
Ernest Alexander Cruikshank
(1853-1939) was born in Bertie
Township, Welland County, Ontario.
He was a journalist, public servant,
soldier, archivist and historian. He
was known and often referred to
as the "Historian of the Niagara".
He was a prolific author,
publishing more than 200 titles
during his lifetime.
border="1"Newark was a prosperous village by
1812. This detail from a view by Surgeon
Edward Walsh was drawn from Fort
Niagara, shown in the right foreground,
on April 20, 1812. Source: William L.
Clements Library.
1812. This detail from a view by Surgeon
Edward Walsh was drawn from Fort
Niagara, shown in the right foreground,
on April 20, 1812. Source: William L.
Clements Library.
